| |
Introduction
Deserted women, cast-away women, thrown away women or parityakta-
taklelya striya are different terms used interchangeably for women
who are thrown out of their marital homes or in some cases who have
chosen to step out themselves. Whatever the term, the implication
is often degrading. The numbers of such women appear to be increasing
thus reflecting the over all status of women in society. Yet we
find very little written about them or hardly find a mention of
them in the literature on poverty or on social welfare policies.
Conceptualisation of women as a unified category camouflages the
concerns of social differentiation of women on the one hand and
differentiation resulting due to forms of extreme violence on the
other. While the women’s movement has taken cognizance of
this issue at the policy and action level one finds a general lack
of concern for the quiet deprivation experienced by widows, deserted
and single women.
From the little literature that is available on this question we
can gauge the severity of the problem, but there is need for a systematic
understanding of the question as it manifests in its various dimensions.
Such an understanding would be necessary to bring the question centre
stage to promote public policy and action in support of the single,
deserted and widowed women.
Increasing number of female-headed households
When we tried to look for the numbers of single and deserted women
we realised that there is hardly any data on this and that it is
almost impossible to cull out information from the socio-cultural
tables of the Census reports. The census has data which shows the
number of widows and the number of legally separated women, but
there is no way that one can assess the numbers of deserted women
at any given time in the decade.
So what tentative numbers do we go by? We then looked at assessments
done by different groups, the UN Human Development reports and similar
such studies. They have broadly made assessments of what they refer
to as female-headed households (FHH). These include families headed
by widowed, deserted or single women and represent an extremely
vulnerable section of women. The Rural Poverty Report 2001 shows
that the number of female-headed households (FHH) has risen from
20% to 35% between 1970 to 1996. The UNDP Human Development Report
for the State of Maharashtra (2002), also quotes some field studies
that indicate that the proportion of FHH may be as high as 30%.
However we cannot go by these studies to understand the extent of
desertion as the concept of FHH is much wider than that. Women’s
groups in Maharashtra had made an assessment of deserted women in
the state and the figures they stated were to the tune of 5-6 lakhs
in the mid nineties. This estimate was based on very rapid assessments.
Whatever the current numbers one thing that emerged clearly was
the increasing numbers of young widows and deserted women.
The reasons for the emergence of FHH may range from male outmigration,
remaining single, being widowed or due to desertion. Among these,
single and deserted women heading households form a special, most
vulnerable category. Desertion forms part of the extreme end of
the continuum of domestic violence. Though there is considerable
variation in the incidence of desertion across communities and castes,
a few case studies and anecdotal information indicate that socially
and economically the deserted women are the worst affected and may
have very little access to resources. The National Family Health
Survey (NFHS –2 1998-99) indicates that the nutritional status
of single and deserted women is declining.
The single and deserted women's movement in Maharashtra
Recently, over the last fifteen years or so, a movement of single
and deserted women has emerged in some areas in Maharashtra. This
movement has pioneered the mobilisation of deserted and single women
in India, and held conferences, rallies, yatras and organised campaigns
throughout the state. The campaign was particularly strong in Dhule,
Ahmednagar and in Sangli and Satara districts. At its peak, in 1988-89,
under the leadership of Stree Mukti Sangharsh Chalwal (SMS), thousands
of single women of Southern Maharashtra, deserted by their husbands,
took up a struggle for social honour, access to resources, sustainable
agriculture and above all a home for themselves and their children.
Following an intensive survey, SMS activists, who had been working
in Khanapur and Walwa talukas of Sangli district since 1983, held
a conference at Vita in September 1988 where initial demands were
raised and a dharna was planned.
The women asked for separate ration cards which not only would provide
increased food grains but also an independent social identity; for
housing, free legal aid to fight maintenance cases, and support
to collectively run plant nurseries for social forestry in the villages
of the region. In one of the villages women waged a long drawn struggle
for almost 10 years for their rights to the housing plots allotted
to them and recently in 2003 realised them after they won the court
case.
The movement has succeeded in highlighting some of their needs and
demands and have also succeeded in some awareness of the problem
at a state level. Firstly, it has highlighted the lack of information
on the extent of desertion and the processes through which it arises.
This is an important prerequisite for awareness generation, mobilisation,
and networking and will facilitate creating an enabling policy and
legal framework targeting them.
The study of single and deserted women in Maharashtra
The increasing numbers, the extreme forms of violence meted out
against them and the pitiable access to resources were the reasons
for us to reopen the issue which a decade ago was on the agenda
of the women’s movement. The need for inquiry was at various
levels- estimations of the extent of the problem; nature and severity
of the problem, looking at the women’s agency their survival
mechanisms and strategies, what possible options can emerge in terms
of improving their access to services and assets and importantly
creating a space for revitalising the movement that was once active
on this question.
The broader study objectives
As can be seen from the above objectives the study aims at understanding
and articulating the concerns of deserted women in Maharashtra.
The study needs to address two kinds of concerns without which the
action programme would remain weak- one would be a conceptual exercise
to understand desertion its caste, religion and class dimensions
and the other is to quantify the extent and assess the nature of
the problem and evolve demands to support the women.
The Maharashtra level study becomes the stepping stone for what
would emerge as an action programme for supporting single and deserted
women. The study therefore moves with the assumption that there
is a need for both coneoptual as well as empirical research that
can support action. The Maharashtra level study would have the following
aims
| 1 |
Firstly, given the presence of
initiatives of Grass Roots Organisations (GROs) and Community
Based Organisations (CBOs) fighting for the rights of the
deserted women, its first objective is to bring these GROs/CBOs
together into a network and to provide a forum to strengthen
it. |
| 2 |
Secondly, with the help of the
academia in the field of gender studies, carry out a fairly
in depth study of the extent, nature and severity of the problem
of desertion and develop a conceptual framework for understanding
desertion. |
| 3 |
Thirdly, develop and firm up a
methodology for resource assessment for planning and evaluation
of livelihood options through selected case studies with the
help of the network; |
| 4 |
Fourthly, taking an overview of the existing
schemes in the rural context like the EGS, JRY, SGSY and even
watershed and wasteland development programmes to assess the
potential, especially in terms of funds, for dove-tailing
some of the components of the development that would emerge
from this study. |
| 5 |
Finally, to collectively discuss and translate
the insights from the above processes into a demand for rights
and entitlements over productive resources (like public and
private wastelands, small plots for intensive production,
water, etc.) and adequate means to transform these entitlements
into livelihood outcomes. It is expected that a programme
for action would be drawn up in which appropriate institutional
arrangements, supportive measures as well as enabling policy
framework would be worked out to mainstream the programme. |
The present study
The scope of the question is large and calls for greater resources
at hand. The need to assess the extent and nature of desertion across
the state is no mean task. The present study is just a small beginning
and grew out of the need to revitalise the once active deserted
women’s movement in Sangli district. It focussed on understanding
the livelihood patterns of single widowed and deserted women who
were actively part of the deserted women’s movement. It looks
at their lives, their economic status, their struggles and their
aspirations. We feel that the study would be indicative of the wide
ranging issues concerning deserted women. Our main goal is to put
forth realizable opportunities for livelihood support for single
and deserted women of Maharashtra through a better understanding
of their socio-cultural and economic conditions.
The study was located in two talukas of Sangli district i.e. Walwa
and Khanapur where the struggle of deserted women was very strong
in the period between 1986-1995. Some 500 women from these talukas
assembled at a rally organised by the Stree Mukti Sangharsh in Vita
town of Khanapur taluka. It is some of these women who participated
in the present study. The presence of a movement working on this
issue and the live interaction that the members of SOPPECOM have
with the movement becomes the starting point for this study
For this analysis we have looked at the following:
| a |
socio-economic status of the deserted
women |
| b |
their daily struggles of survival |
| c |
their aspirations for the future |
| d |
their participation in the movement, the demands
that they put forth and their fulfillment |
| e |
their perceptions as the solution to this question |
We have spoken to 143 women from across three talukas of Sangli
district. Our findings are based on these interactions but importantly
on our long standing interactions which spans over more than a decade
with these women.
Although the study is based in three talukas of Sangli district
its findings and recommendations would be relevant for the entire
district as well as the state.
It is a collaborative study done by Society for Promoting Participative
Eco-system Management (SOPPECOM) and Stree Mukti Sangharsh Chalwal
with support from the Women’s Studies Unit of Tata Institute
of Social Sciences Mumbai and the Krantivir Babuji Patankar Lokshastriya
Samshodhan va Prabodhan Sanstha, Kasegaon.
Conceptual issues and framework of Analysis
Construction of and identity of womanhood is determined not only
by caste, class and ethnicity but also by marital status. The institution
of marriage and the baggage that goes along with it (patrilocal
residence, motherhood) have been able to control women and perpetuate
exploitation. Status of the husband ultimately determines the status
of the woman. Death of the husband, absence of a husband or desertion
often changes the life of the woman drastically.
There is very little available literature on the concept of desertion
and single hood. Few studies have been done which have tried to
look at the ideology of desertion in the manner that widowhood has
been addressed. There is very little analysis of the extent as well
as the caste, religion and class dimensions of desertion and whether
the manifestations are different.
The only available conceptual tools to understand desertion are
the ones that have been developed to understand widowhood. Another
concept that could help us in understanding the processes that lead
to desertion is that of social exclusion. This term has been largely
used in the European context and includes a wide range of exclusionary
processes. Here we would draw from Amartya Sen’s useful critique
of the concept where he points to the utility of the concept in
forcefully advocating policy changes and diagnosing the processes
that lead to relational deprivation.
For the purpose of this study we have borrowed largely from the
work of Chen and Dreze on ‘Widows of India’ and from
the work of Sylvia Chant on Women Headed Households in Latin America.
Sylvia Chant defines desertion as “a conflict induced by their
partners’ disengagement from household commitments and or
pursuit of outside activities for example, socializing with male
peers, drinking, gambling extra marital affairs” The context
for her has largely been the Latin American one where she did her
study on Women Headed Households.
In the Indian context the reasons for disengagement would also include
inability of producing a male child, bringing in dowry from the
natal home, or simply the inability to fulfil the role of a sati
savitri.
Often the question that is raised here is whether women are to be
seen only as victims or are they also agents for change. Women’s
agency is a less understood phenomena in the context of desertion.
In our study we have seen women stepping out of marital relationships
in hope of better lives. Of course all of these cases are where
women were subjected to extreme forms of physical violence. Lack
of mental and emotional space, freedom to think are hardly ever
the reasons for women to choose to step down.
Defining desertion has not been a very easy task for the purpose
of this study as here we include not only those whose husbands left
them or they chose to step out but also the widowed and those who
never married. The problems of material deprivation are largely
similar but the nature of problem varies with reference to issues
of social isolation, remarriage norms etc. These nuanced differences
certainly need to be explored separately, although in this study
we were clearly focussed on understanding the lives of all those
who participated in the struggle for deserted women. The fact that
widows and never married women joined in the struggle itself speaks
for the similarities in the nature of exploitation.
We have broadly analysed the situation of single and deserted women
by looking at their residence and living arrangements, access to
property, their health and educational status, remarriage norms
and practices, access to employment opportunities and livelihoods,
issues of maintenance and of course the social stigma and the isolation
faced by single, deserted and widowed women.
Choice of methods and data Analysis
For the purpose of the present study we have used a mix of rational
and intuitive approaches which are oriented more towards the process
rather than just the product itself. These methods have been selected
with the objective of understanding the phenomenon of singlehood
in terms of its meaningfulness.
The choice of methods has been such that can give specific explanations
and not necessarily build a grand unified theory but certainly those
that would contribute to an understanding of singlehood.
A two staged study was conducted where the first stage involved
a quantitative assessment of the socio-economic status of 143 single
and deserted women and the second stage was a much smaller sample
of 25 women drawn from different caste and religious backgrounds
as well as from different age classes. Here we used the oral histories
method through which we hoped to capture the different events in
their lives. The advantage here was that this back and forth method
helped us to seek clarifications, capture nuances, tone of voices,
allow a free flowing discussions which often gets restricted by
a survey method. This was not a search for a real or truth of these
women’s lives but rather how they view themselves and the
narration of the life they have led as single women. Most often
these narrations are what the person recounts from her memory. It
is as she sees her past in the context of the present. So often
the details of the past event are missed out but the consequences
as they impinge on their present lives are recounted. One also hopes
to capture the ideology, the aspirations and the values that the
person believes in.
Analysis of the data was done in a critical, reflexive and iterative
manner. Often it meant going back and forth to the data and to the
objectives of the present study.
The choice of a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods also
created a dilemma of sorts. It was possible to code all the data
numerically and present the facts, or the other option was just
the reverse. However the point was to combine the power of words,
the feelings with the authority of numbers.
The quantitative data was analysed using variables such as caste,
class and age groups. The focus was to understand the phenomenon
of singlehood from social, economic and cultural aspects. Within
the broad category of singlehood we looked at deserted and widowed
women. This was our key variable to understand socio-economic and
cultural aspects of single women’s lives. However in our data
we found that caste and age class too are significant variables.
For eg availability of work is often affected by age class, similarly
caste was an important factor in analysing the practices of remarriage.
Limitations of the study
Our focus was completely on the lives of single and deserted women
and hence we have hardly been able to compare with the general situation
of women which would be necessary to put the question in a context.
Similarly it would be worthwhile to look at the larger socio-cultural
and economic contexts in which these women are placed- the general
availability of employment opportunities, access to services, educational
opportunities, access to property etc.
The other limitation which was mentioned earlier was the need to
look at the question of widows and deserted women separately, many
of the widowed women who participated in the study had of course
been first deserted and later widowed.
The other conceptual difficulties that we faced were with reference
to interpreting agency of women. Do we understand the whole phenomenon
as one of deprivation where women are only victims or do we also
go beyond that and see them as survivors? The question that follows
then is how do we interpret agency? Often women’s responses
show an over riding concern for the family. Their agency often is
towards meeting livelihood goals of the household-better health
of children, education of children etc. Can this be understood as
agency or that agency necessarily is when she acts on her own account
and for her own self?
However our most important limitation was in analysing the rich
data obtained through the oral histories and in fact this is the
reason why we see the need for a much broader participation of academia
and women’s groups in understanding and articulating these
concerns.
Ethical Issues
The present research was guided by an action agenda so in that sense
there was less to grapple with in terms of the ethical issues associated
with research and studies of this kind. But this is a question that
we need to raise and address in our future studies. The question
of how this research contributes to changing the situation of single
women. The researcher organisations’ involvement in the change
process and the collaborative study with the movement is significant
here.
Major study findings
The study is based on interviews with 143 women across three talukas
of Sangli district. All these women have been abandoned by their
husbands and have been actively involved in the Stri Mukti Sangharsh
Calval activities since 1988.
Our findings clearly show that single women are a highly deprived
and impoverished lot with very little access to either familial
property or to government schemes Many of them have in fact said
that they have the responsibility to fend for their children but
with few and no resources to do so.
The women who participated in the study
Single and deserted women for the purpose of the present study include
all the women who have been abandoned by their husbands. It includes
both whose present marital status is deserted as well as those who
are widowed. Of all the women involved, we chose 150 women living
in 6 villages spread in 3 talukas of Sangli district. Of these 7
women could not be included as they had either migrated, were mentally
unstable or were unable to give any information in a coherent manner.
Two of the women who were listed had recently passed away and therefore
could not be included in the study. In the end we had extensive
interviews with 143 women only.
These 143 women are not only victims of desertion and domestic violence
but have also been in leadership roles in the movement at different
points and with varying degrees.
These women come from Khanapur, Kadegaon and Walwa talukas of Sangli
district. Walwa, on the banks of the Krishna, is the irrigated sugar-rich
taluka of the district. Only one of the villages studied i.e. Bahe
is from Walwa taluka. Khanapur and Kadegaon are in the drought prone
region. Women from these two talukas were part of the militant struggle
on drought organised by the Mukti Sangharsh Movement.
The caste profile of these women shows that desertion is not limited
to a single or few castes only. It cuts across caste groups.
There are no Brahmans or merchant castes in our study, and the proportion
of Maratha-Kunbis, though high, is much less than their percentage
of the total population (almost 50% in this region). This is not
because these sections lack desertion but because “higher”
caste families want to hide the cases of deserted and returned women
among them. There is sufficient evidence to show that domestic violence
and restrictions on women are higher in both the upper classes and
castes.
Percentage of scheduled castes among the sample of deserted women
of Matang (10.4%), Mahar (16%) and Ramoshi (12.5%) are also high
compared to the other caste groups, though perhaps not disproportionately
more compared to their percentage in the district. Since this is
not a study of the extent of desertion and widowhood one cannot
make conclusions regarding the caste wise extent of desertion
| Age
class wise Marital status (%) |
Age Class
|
Deserted
|
Widowed |
| Upto 25 |
6.8 |
1.8 |
| 26 to 35 |
26.1 |
21.8 |
| 36 to 54 |
28.7 |
30.9 |
| 45 to 55 |
24 |
23.6 |
| 56 to 65 |
11.4 |
5.4 |
| 66 and above |
3.4 |
16.3 |
Residence and living arrangements
Residence is an important indicator of the available support systems
for the women. Here we have looked at living arrangements by looking
at the village of residence and whether they lived in a joint household
or an independent one. Our study shows that 80% of them are now
residing in their natal villages. Only 7.6% women are residing in
their marital villages while 11% are actually staying in villages
that are neither their natal nor their marital homes.
It is important to note here that of the 55 widows in the study
39 of them or 70% have chosen to or have been forced to stay in
their natal homes as against 10 (18.1%) who are living in their
marital villages. This is also explained by the fact that most of
the widows are those who were in the first instance deserted by
their husbands and forced to come back to their natal homes. When
we asked some of the widows why they came back to their natal villages
their response was predictable. Akkatai Pol of Vangi village says
‘As soon as my husband died, my in-laws started threatening
me with dire consequences. They wanted to drive me out of the house
as they thought that I would claim a share in the family property’.
A small percentage of widows continues to stay on in their marital
villages either due to a long term hope of gaining access to family
property for their children’s future or simply because there
is no support from the natal home. However as we shall see a little
later none of these widows have marital property in their names.
To go back to Akkatai Pol who says ‘I have not given up as
yet. After my husband’s death in 1993, I filed a case against
my in-laws for a place and a home. It is 12 years and I am still
struggling’
Although most of the women are in their natal villages presently
a large number of are in fact staying in independent houses and
not sharing the hearth with either their parents or brothers. About
45% of the women who have returned to their natal villages now live
in independent households while 35.6% live in joint families. 11.8%
of the women live in neither their marital nor their natal villages
and have set up their independent households in new villages. Jaitunbi
from Balwadi started by staying with her brothers and parents, soon
she realised that this was not going to last and she no longer wanted
to be a burden on the family. She moved out, stays in a small room
given by her parents but maintains a separate hearth. She narrates
one of her experiences ‘Once (while I was living with my brothers)
I bought something for my daughter, he was very offended- how could
I do this without permission. Ever since then, I decided to live
on my own and raise my daughters independently’.
Most of the women said the same thing. Although they needed the
support from their natal homes, as soon as it was possible they
have preferred moving out.
Table 8 shows us that 60.1% of the total women live in independent
households within their marital or natal villages. This is indicative
of both a strong will to lead an independent lifestyle as well as
in some cases it is a decision willed on the women by either their
parents or their brothers with whom they live.
Among those who reported that they lived in Joint families many
we realised were in fact cooking separately although they were part
of the same residence. Some others like Janabai from Bahe village
just didn’t have that choice. Her brother and sister in law
got all the housework done from her and also ensured that her wages
at the end of the day were deposited with them. She had no control
over the money she earned.
In general while responding to this, women were not very forthcoming
perhaps due to fear of family members with whom they were residing.
Reasons for desertion
The reasons for desertion ranged from alcoholic husband, wife beating,
lack of a male heir, complaints of inefficiency at domestic work,
suspicion of extramarital affairs, property related matters, widowhood,
sexual inadequacy etc. The reasons are wide and sometimes women
have been kicked out because she cannot cook fast, sometimes because
she didn’t ask her husband what food to cook.
Of the sample 80% have been deserted for more than 20 years now.
This also indicates the permanency of the situation.
Most of the women (53 of 88) have reported that their husbands have
remarried after deserting them. However none of the women have shown
any willingness to remarry. Women had already been so traumatised
by their first marriage that they did not venture into second marriages.
Many cited children as being the main reason for not remarrying.
Most Dalit women reported that remarriage is permissible in their
community, however they have not opted for that. So although norms
do permit remarriage the question often is how much choice do women
really have? The constraints on choice are shaped by social and
cultural norms and how people look at singlehood. She remains stamped
as a loose woman even if she remarries, while a man needs to remarry
to run the household..
Poverty profile of the deserted women
Assessments of material poverty can be made through assessing their
incomes, their nutritional intake, their access to property and
their health profiles.
Access to property
From among the 143 women, only 1 woman owns agricultural land. As
far as housing is concerned, 34 women have their own houses among
them 23 are from Bahe village who have gained rights through a protracted
struggle. Neither belonging to the conjugal homes nor to the natal
homes, these women would find security if there were shelter over
their heads - a demand that has been consistently put forth before
the district officials.
Very few of these women own other assets such as TVs, two wheelers,
electricity connections, biogas etc. The only asset owned by a large
number of these women is the kerosene stove. This is indicative
of the poor cash flows in the household and clear priorities for
livelihood security.
Way Below the Poverty line and yet not in the BPL
Most of the women engage in agricultural labour work. Very few of
them are able to do anything else but agriculture labour work. Lack
of skills to do anything else, lack of access to resources such
as credit or land and restrictions on mobility force these women
to stay in agriculture labour work alone. Often as our findings
show this labour work is not available for more than 100 days in
a year.
| Table
16 Marital Status wise days of employment and wages in a year
|
Marital Status
|
No. of women
|
Total Days in a year |
Available
Days in
a ear/
woman |
Total wages in Rs (a)
|
Total wages in Rs (a)
|
Total wages (a+b) |
Annual
Income
in Rs/
woman/
year |
| Deserted |
88 |
10,077 |
115 |
289,991 |
23,770 |
313,761 |
3565 |
| Widowed |
55 |
5564 |
101 |
166,610 |
12,960 |
179,570 |
3264 |
| Total |
143 |
15,641 |
109.3 |
456,601 |
36,730 |
493,331 |
3449 |
All year round work availability of 100 days has meant annual incomes
which are largely below Rs 4000/ as can be seen in table 33. Almost
52% of the women have an income which is below Rs 4000/. Here we
must remember that the onus of maintaining their children is entirely
on them. These are single earner households. If they are residing
with their joint families then their entire income has to be deposited
with the family and they have no say in the expenditure related
decision but usually the tradeoff is that their children would be
taken care of.
|
Marital Status wise income |
Marital Status
|
11,000
and above
|
4,000 to 10,999 |
Below
4,000 |
No of
Women |
| Deserted |
2 |
41 |
45 |
88 |
| Widowed |
3 |
22 |
30 |
55 |
| Total |
5 |
63 |
75 |
143 |
| (3.4%) |
(44.05) |
(52.4) |
(100) |
Although most of these women are living in poverty we do not see
them being included in the BPL lists. Almost 60% of these women
are recorded as being above the poverty line when the figures that
we see in the above table show us that only 3.4% have incomes which
are above Rs 11,000/-
|
Inclusion under Below Poverty Line (BPL) |
| Caste |
Deserted |
Widowed |
Total |
| |
Under BPL |
Above BPL |
Under BPL |
Above BPL |
|
| Chambhar |
0 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
6 |
| Dhanagar |
0 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
4 |
| Dhor |
1 |
5 |
0 |
3 |
9 |
| Gondhali |
2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
| Gosavi |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
| Kumbhar |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
4 |
| Lingayat |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
| Lohar |
0 |
2 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
| Mahar |
7 |
10 |
2 |
4 |
23 |
| Maratha |
9 |
10 |
9 |
12 |
40 |
| Matang |
4 |
7 |
1 |
3 |
15 |
| Muslim |
4 |
3 |
2 |
1 |
10 |
| Nhavi |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
| Kaikadi |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
| Ramoshi |
6 |
8 |
2 |
2 |
18 |
| Shimpi |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
| Vadar |
0 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
4 |
| Total |
36 |
52 |
22 |
33 |
143 |
Access to legal Aid
As far as access to legal aid is concerned of the sample only about
14% women actually were able to reach legal aid and fight for their
cause while 86% either refrained from doing so or simply did not
have the means to do so. This finding applied to most of the deserted
women who just do not seem to have the means to fight legal battles.
It also is a statement on the tedious procedures of the judiciary,
which offers little for the deprived
Food Security and Access to Public Distribution System
With incomes below the official poverty line, it would have been
natural for them to claim their stakes to the public distribution
system for meeting their food needs. However the picture is quite
to the contrary. Table below gives the details of the expenditure
incurred by the women around the year towards their living. Of the
Rs 13,258 spent by a woman towards her annual expenses Rs 10,386
is spent on purchasing food from the open market. This is almost
78.33% of the total expense. Only a small component of the food
comes from PDS (Rs 903) which in reality is supposed to meet the
food security needs of the poor. Apart from non inclusion in BPL
women also cited non availability of ration as one of the main reasons
for their increasing dependence on open markets. Women also complained
of being forced to purchase ration in bulk. Often they have cash
only enough to make daily or weekly purchases. The PDS does not
allow for these flexibilities. Possibilities of introducing food
coupons could be considered and open markets be forced to sell grains
at rationed rates for holder of these food coupons.
|
Annual expenses incurred in Rs |
Items of expenditure
|
Total annual expenses for
the entire sample of 143 women (Rs)
|
Annual
expense/
woman (Rs) |
Fodder for cattle
|
22,168
|
115 |
| Health |
166,664 |
1165 |
| Food through open market |
1,485,325 |
10,386 |
| Electricity |
72,072 |
504 |
| Annual interest |
20,560 |
143 |
| Food through PDS |
129,168 |
903 |
| Total |
1,895,957 |
13,258 |
Health and Nutrition
Closely linked to the poverty issue is the access to nutrition and
health services. We did not explore these issues in detail but our
preliminary findings show that nutritional intake of women is poor.
Often women eat vegetables only once a week and protein rich meat
is consumed usually not more than once a month. Being single they
cook food only once a day and sometimes save it until the next day.
This has caused severe health problems. Many have also lost appetite
due to mental strains and stresses.
Fall back options
The SHG wave does not seem to have spread into these areas. Few
of the women have any savings in the SHGs. Many of them still largely
depend on large farmers for their borrowing. They do have loans
that they have to pay back at interest rates that range from 4-5%
per month.
Women also have little financial backing from their families who
themselves are deeply entrenched in poverty.
Access to government schemes too has not been possible for most
of the women. Table below shows that of the total women only 18
women are benefiting from some government scheme or the other. These
include Sanjay Gandhi Niradhar Yojana and the Antyodaya or the targeted
PDS. This is a matter of concern since a large number of them are
in need of several social security measures. All the women complained
of tedious procedures as the main constraint in accessing government
schemes. They also felt that a comprehensive social security scheme
needs to be developed targeting the deserted women.
|
Marital Status wise access to Government Schemes |
Marital Status
|
Beneficiary
|
Non-beneficiary |
Total |
Deserted
|
8 |
80 |
88 |
| Widowed |
10 |
45 |
55 |
| Total |
18 |
125 |
143 |
Final Comments and Recommendations
Need for a two-pronged strategy
We feel a two pronged approach would be necessary to address the
question of desertion. While at one level targeting is necessary
to ensure social and livelihood security to the single women, it
is also important to develop an approach which is of a more general
nature for all women, since every woman is under the threat of being
deserted. An approach which solely targets single and deserted women
in fact assumes that women in marriage or with male partners are
better off and it is the absence of the male that leads to a major
disadvantage for women. Disadvantage is rarely understood in terms
of lack of access to resources for women and the strong socio-cultural
bias that puts women at a disadvantage. Despite this disadvantage
deserted women often have to take on the burden of raising children
and usually this is done single handedly.
The Long-term goals
The longer term initiatives which are of a more ideological nature
will have to be geared to such questions as women rights and empowerment.
Often these are overlapping needs and evolve out of interactions
with one another.
| [1] |
Registering land and property in
the names of wives as well as husbands would not only allow
women greater security and stability in the event of a conjugal
breakdown, but could also enhance their possibilities for
determining household arrangements. |
| [2] |
Women might find it easier to ask
men to leave home if they know that separation will not entail
leaving home themselves and forfeiting their assets. Similarly
men would think twice before throwing the woman out of the
house or getting a second wife for himself. |
| [3] |
In general, equal access to property,
parity in incomes etc would go a long way in providing security
for women. It also provides the space to challenge patriarchy
and the dominant socio-cultural norms that govern the relationships
between men and women. In the event of a conjugal breakdown
it provides a fall back option. |
| [4] |
Greater access to political power
(which has only begun at the panchayat and district level)
will be a further aid in accessing the resources for their
struggles. |
| [5] |
Although the study does show that
deserted women do develop several imaginative strategies for
earning conserving and stretching their income, their financial
position would be much better if female earnings were closer
to men’s. A struggle for parity in incomes for women
in general therefore is a critical in the long term. |
What have been the gains so far and what remains to be done
in the immediate future
After a large number of rallies, conferences, sit-ins the district
administration had to concede to most of the demands of the movement.
In fact almost all of the demands were agreed upon in principle.
The first one to be fulfilled was that of allocating separate ration
cards for women and recognising them as heads of household.
The second demand that was fulfilled was that of accepting the name
of the mother on for school enrolments.
The then district collector Shridhar Joshi also agreed to allocating
2000 sqft of housing land to the women in all the villages where
the demand was there and where gavthan extension was on the cards.
Bahe from Walwa taluka was the first village to gain from this order.
Despite the completion of legal procedures women were actually able
to gain control over their housing plots after a long and tedious
struggle involving legal battle as well as other campaigns for 12
years.
This unfortunately did not follow elsewhere although some initial
steps like identifying lands, surveying deserted women and in some
villages measuring plots too did take place. The demand for housing
plots is one of the major demands of the women that needs to be
fulfilled urgently. Balawadi, Ramapur, Alsand, Vangi, Vazar are
villages where this can be done without much difficulty if the administration
demonstrates a positive will.
Demands such as access to gairan lands for livelihood support, inclusion
under BPL lists, provision of child care and support for education
of children, maintenance from state etc all remained on paper itself.
Ration Cards
Of these 6 villages surveyed, women from all the villages have got
ration cards in their names. This was an important achievement of
the movement which has held together the women for 15 long years.
Housing plots and civic amenities
The demand for housing plots has been fulfilled only in one village
of Bahe through an order of the Collector in 1989. Women actually
got access to this land only after a legal battle of 12 long years.
They are now staying on their plots and dialogue for developing
a housing scheme is going on.
In the rest of the villages the district officials have identified
land along with the SMS, plot measurements have been completed,
but allotments have not been made. Several reasons are being put
forth by the officials none which seem to make any sense to either
the women or the SMS. Balawadi village of Khanapur taluka is the
only village where lands have not been identified so far, but women
do have suggestions regarding the same. In every other village action
needs to be taken immediately or else women are threatening to come
on the streets.
All of these women have been saying that they would prefer to be
given housing plots under the extended gaothan schemes rather than
away from the villages as independent colonies of single women.
Madina from Alsand said that already men eye them with suspicion,
moving out to an exclusive single women’s colony would do
more harm than good. This is an important point than certainly needs
to be considered before allotments are made in these 5 villages.
Associated demands are for credit for building their homes, access
to water, electricity and other civic amenities without which housing
plots may lie vacant, and provide an opportunity for government
to take them back. Recently Bahe women have been issued an oral
threat for the same reason.
Coverage Under BPL
One of the major demands of the women is that they be included in
the BPL lists. SMS is also demanding a revision of the BPL list
and inclusion of parityakta women under BPL. The present study provides
ample proof of women’s income status and their material deprivation
and poor social supports. If such women are not included under the
BPL then who is? This is a question that is bothering the movement
and women will agitate against this.
Social Security schemes
Schemes such as the Sanjay Gandhi Niradhar Yojana etc involve tedious
procedures and are time consuming. Women need easy procedures and
smooth and non corrupt administering of these schemes. More schemes
that provide pensions to the single women after the age of 55 yrs
should be added to the basket of the existing social security schemes.
Unless this is done little would come by way of immediate relief.
Access to Land and Water
Land and water for livelihood security has been one of the major
demands of the movement. In 1989 the then Collector had promised
access to gairan or community lands for income generation. This
needs to be pursued and the demand needs to be fulfilled.
Support for Diversification to Non farm incomes
In drought prone areas availability of non farm income opportunities
in drought years goes a long way in supporting the incomes of the
poor. Most of these women work solely as agriculture labourers getting
hardly more than 100 days of wage work in a year. Lack of mobility
and skills restricts their income earning opportunities in the non
farm sector. Women therefore have demanded soft loans for goat rearing
and raising local breed of chicken. One can go further and say that
women need support both in the form of credit and skills training
if opportunities of diversification have to open up. Unless that
happens it is unlikely that income security for these women would
come about.
Legal Procedures
Often women abandon follow up of maintenance cases both because
of the tedious procedures and also to avoid the ongoing contact
they do not desire. It is therefore important to look at some of
the legal measures that deter women from fighting for what is duly
theirs. The Stree Mukti Sangharsh had in fact in the late nineties
suggested that the state develop a maintenance fund to support the
deserted women and save them from the tedious procedures of securing
maintenance. The legal procedures should allow the women to retain
their independence.
Provision of health care and support for child care
Women’s health is an area which has so far been less discussed
within the single women’s movement. It is also an area where
more studies need to be in place. The present study is only an indicative
one showing that the health status of these women is particularly
poor and a nutrition programme needs to be developed. Iron supplements
and access to food for work kind of programmes would therefore be
critical.
Women have not been able to provide for their children’s education.
Those who have valued education have taken loans to provide for
hostel and school fees. Women have demanded that the state recognise
this need of women and provide for free education for children of
single women. In a recent parishad they have stated that certain
free seats in hostels and schools be reserved for their children.
The two pronged strategy that is proposed here would certainly mean
a long struggle for all concerned. We recognise that the ideological
struggle is possible only through interventions at different levels,
beginning from gender sensitive socialization at home and outside,
to focusing on different policy initiatives that look at women’s
issues from a rights perspective. This will have to be a much wider
struggle with women’s groups, the civil society and the state
joining hands.
However the need of the day is to address some of the immediate
demands that have been raised by the movement since the mid eighties.
Most of these demands are yet to be met. All the women in the study
have unanimously stated that meeting these demands would qualitatively
improve their livelihoods.
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